A Secret Life: Blog 5

From the beginning of this section, the main focus was on a seemingly imminent Soviet invasion of Poland. The only way to stall this invasion would be to implement martial law using Polish troops in Poland. Jaruelski, the defense minister of Poland, assigned Kuklinski to take control of and, “plan the military’s involvement in martial law” (208). This appointment was made in late October 1980. Kuklinski made this decision on his own because according to the messenger, General Skalski, “‘This order you [Kuklinski] have the right to refuse’” (208). Martial law, or wartime readiness, was only to be introduced as a last resort, in the case that the Polish government could not reason with the Soviets. Gull wrote to the CIA, “everybody fears this step” (211). The government bought time from the Soviets, however by December 2nd, President Carter was informing the world about how a Soviet attack, which according to Kuklinski, seemed unavoidable, “‘would have most negative consequences for…U.S.-Soviet relations in particular’” (218). This announcement stalled the Warsaw Pact forces, which did indeed have 18 battalions stationed at the USSR-Polish border. Jaruelski, in a desperate attempt to help his country, gave his word and honor to the Soviets, and in return, was granted the seat of Prime Minister on February 9, 1981. In his first speech after being named prime minister, “Jaruelski declared, ‘Our place is and will remain in the socialist camp. Poland will remain a faithful member of the Warsaw Pact” (233). This statement brought about many angry statements from lower officials to Kuklinski essentially asking him, “Do they know what is going on?” I suppose Kuklinski found this encouraging that he was developing a growing number of people to come to “his side” and fight against the Soviet Union.

On February 14th, many generals arrived and made reconnaissance trips around the country. It was later found that over 18 communication sites had been established by Soviet forces, without any authorization from the Polish government. These generals were arriving under the disguise of Soyuz 81, which was supposed to be a “new military exercise” (232) but was simply a cover for an infiltration of Poland to crush Solidarity. Solidarity was the underground group that put together rallies and protests against the Soviets. However, Jaruelski had given the Soviets the right to enter his country and destroy the rebel force. During March, Soyuz 81 commenced and only 3 days into the program, 200 riot police beat over twenty activists in an incident that prompted the discussion of a nationwide strike. These small incidents continued over the course of the year and by June Jaruelski said, “If Poland could not resolve its crisis, ‘…civil war on a broad scale would be inevitable.’ Thousands would probably be killed” (247). A copy of the speech that this came from was sent to the CIA by the July Congress meeting. This news must have been greatly disturbing to many in this case, however it had become so commonplace over the past year that it was not thought of for the rest of the book. By September, Kuklinski wrote once again to Daniel, who was back from Vienna for the first time in three years, “I have boundless faith in the rightness of what I an doing. Nobody and nothing could possibly change my mind or lead me off the chosen path” (250). Kuklinski felt once again, in despite of everything that had been happening to him, that he is still willing to continue in his mission.